The "Alburnus Maior" National Research Program

           During the August-October 2001, as part of the rescue excavations carried out in the locality of Roşia Montană, Alba county, the team from the "Vasile Pârvan" Institute of Archeology in Bucharest performed rescue excavations on the site referred to as "Dalea Property", located on Nan Valley (Valea Nanului) [2]. That site is located on a small plateau lying next to the bottom of a peak that dominates the W side of Nan Valley.
           The archaeological excavation started by opening S1 (20 x 4 m, North-South oriented).
           At the southeastern corner of S1 there was noticed, at -0.15 m, a semi-circular agglomeration of rocks (Fig. 19/4). This was sectioned and underneath we found a seam of yellow clay in which there were some ceramic fragments destroyed by the humidity and acidity of the soil (in general, the ceramics found on this site is poorly preserved and irrelevant in quantity). By this area of debris, at 1.10 m deep, the team identified the last row of a wall East-West oriented, made of rough blocks of stone, small in dimensions, 0.45m thick.
           At the northern end of S1, at-0.13-14 m, another area of debris was found; while removing it, the team noticed that the stones had belonged to a wall (0.75-0.8 m thick, the preserved height is 0.8-0.9 m, made out of rough blocks of stone, of large and medium sizes). When dismantling the witness on which there were the architectural pieces a fragment from altar no. 6 was found, at -0.48 m. At the northern end, the exavations were stopped at the level of the last row of the foundation.
           There were no other traces of walls found in the remaining area of the section. S1 proved to have been the center of the interior courtyard of the edifice found on Dalea property and this accounts for the great number of monuments found on the spot.
           West from S1 we opened S2 (20 x 4 m, North-South oriented). It was almost entirely covered by a layer of compact debris found in the cultivable land. At a small depth (-0.15-0.18 m), altar no. 13 was found, almost half of it covered by rocks from the collapsed structure 13, inscription turned upside down and its basis to the West.
           When removing the debris, other walls were identified (Figs. 10/2; 19/2) having different orientations: a wall North-South oriented which intersects another wall from East to West, a second wall (North-South oriented) which intersects a different wall from East to West and a third wall North-South oriented which makes a corner and continues to the East. All these walls are made of rough blocks of stone, medium sized, preserved on a height that ranges from 0.5-0.8 m and 0.5-0.8 m thick. From North to South, the first wall East-West oriented continues the wall identified in S1.The other two walls, with the same orientation (they continue in S6, also) are closed by North-South oriented walls (uncovered in S5 and S6) and form two rooms of the building identified on this site (see below).
           S2 has the same stratigraphy as S1, with the mention that at its North end the debris was covered by a very dark, spongy soil.
           East from S1 was opened S3 (24 x 4 m, North-South oriented). This section was also covered by compact portions of debris (Fig. 20/3), especially at its ends. The debris was found at 0.14-0.18 m deep. After the debris was removed, the following courses of walls were found (Fig. 11/1-2): the wall already mentioned at S1 and S2(Fig. 20/2); 3.20 m away, to the South, also was found a second wall East-West oriented, which makes a corner at the very eastern side of the section, continuing in the direction North-South, where it turns to profile. In order to observe the entire course of the wall, the profile was sectioned at the South-East corner and we discovered that the wall is not as well preserved at that particular spot, most likely destroyed because of land configuration (slope).
           South of sections S1-S6 we decided to locate S4 (12 x 4 m, East-West oriented) and S5 (12 x 4 m, oriented E-W), one continuing the other. From the uniform layer of debris found very close to the land level (-0.05/-0.10 m), all over the S4 area and in the eastern half of S5, the courses of three walls were revealed: two of them were parallel, East-West oriented, and the other closed them to the West, taking a direction North-South (this is the same wall mentioned in S2). The walls were preserved on different heights that range between 0.4-0.5 m, while their thickness ranges between 0.6-0.7 m eastwards, the two parallel East-West oriented walls suddenly interrupt, carried away by landslides. Although it was not clearly revealed, considering the configuration of land, it may be possible that on that spot the slope had been arranged by man; probably the entrance to the investigated edifice had been on that spot (see below).
           The two walls would intersect a third wall to the West. The third wall was found right below surface and it was preserved on the height of two rows, i.e. 0.25 m high and 0.65 m thick. It was made of rough blocks of stone bound in clay - just like every wall found in the area. From a stratigraphical point of view, we should notice the very thin layer of brown soil and that yellow clay found very high up.
           Between S1 and S2 the section S6 was located (24 x 3 m, North-South oriented). It is covered by compact debris on its southern quarter and the northern end, showing up very close to the surface. Several architectural elements that would form an ensemble were found in this section: a small column, a large vessel and a supporting element (tambour).
           There was no more debris found at the center of S6, only sporadically, obviously slid from the compact portions found in S6 and S2. Probably the open area found in S1would also be present in S6 if we were to consider that another altar was discovered, altar no. 12. It was collapsed on a ridge, stuck in the yellow land, found at -0.41-0.43 m.
           The walls identified in S6 are: the wall which continues from S1 and S2, an East-West oriented wall which continues from S2, a wall which represents the extension of the one which draws a corner in S2, to the East, and the extension to the west of the wall found in S1 (only one row of the foundation). In order to observe the course of another East-West oriented wall in S2, we had to split the witness between S2andS6. This wall was identified under the witness, but is stops suddenly.
           Between S1 and S3the section S7 was opened (24 x 2.5 m, North-South oriented). The walls identified in this section (Fig. 12/2) are: the wall which continues from S1, S2, S3 and S6, and at the same distance (3.2 m) as in S3, a wall parallel to the one already mentioned; for an exact location of its course, the witness between S1 and S7 was sectioned, thus noticing that the wall did not continue on the whole width of S1.
           S8 was opened south of S4 (12 x 4 m, oriented E-W). Except a compact layer of debris right below the ground level there were no other new elements that might attest other structures.
           S9 (10 x 4 m, oriented N-S) was located East from S7(Fig. 12/1). We identified here the wall in S1-3, S6, S7, which makes a corner (Fig. 19/3) and continues in the direction North-South on the entire length of the section. After S9, we opened two sections, S11 (4 x 4 m) and S12 (2 x 4 m) in order to verify the course of the same wall. We could notice that the wall is very well preserved in S11(Fig. 13/2), while in S12, due to the land configuration, is rather poorly preserved.
           West of S2we opened S10 (5 x 10 m, North-South oriented) (Fig. 1). On this section the same East-West oriented wall was identified, which can also be seen in S1-S3, S6, S7, S9; the wall draws a corner and continues in the North-South direction, with a sudden stop. By the wall was identified an area with an oval burn trace, 1.27 x 0.48 m in size, at 0.6 m deep (Fig. 10/1).
           West of the main research site we made a sounding (S13, North-South oriented, 20 x 4 m), wherefrom no archeological material resulted.
           We would also like to indicate that we found a relatively large quantity of fragments of burnt wood, mostly identified by the walls. They would probably be parts of the former wooden superstructure. We could not find any coin, which makes dating of the edifice rather difficult.
           Further to the archeological research carried out on the site of "Valea Nanului - Dalea property", we obtained the plan of an edifice (with walls made of stone bound with clay) of an almost rectangular shape (Figs. 1; 18/1-3) with a portico inside (incomplete, with thinner walls, 0.45 m thick), several partitions on the western side (3) and an interior courtyard (where we found most of the altars and the architectural ensemble consisting of items no. 26-29). We believe that this edifice, a very large (34 x 25m) sacred precinct, was not completely covered; the interior portico may have had roofing made of light material (wood). Also, no traces that might indicate former supporting poles for the roof were found; an additional argument is provided by the thickness of the wall (between 0.45-0.6 m) that could not have supported a stone elevation. Probably the entire construction looked like a precinct (thicker wall, 0.75-0.8 m, identified in S 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12), with a stone foundation and with an elevation partially made of stone (perhaps 0.50-0.60 m from the ground level) and continued in wood, inside which there was the portico (eventually covered, clearly identified on the North and East sides, partially on the West side) and the three rooms found on the western side, continuing the portico to the south. Because of the land configuration, the agricultural works in the area (that is the reason why the culture layer is found at such a small depth) and the poor preservation of the monument (possibly it has been re-used as a source of stone for other constructions) we could not identify exactly where the entrance to this precinct was; it is possible that it was on the eastern side (where the slope was especially arranged for that purpose) or on the western side, where the precinct draws a corner, after which is stops its normal course in the North-South direction to enclose the entire area.
           The interior courtyard of the edifice was square (Fig. 1). The western side is 19.7 m long, the eastern side is 17.7 m long and the width is 18 m (measured from the wall which would close to the west the central compartments up to the interior wall on the eastern side).
           In the interior courtyard several monuments were found (Fig. 2). First of all, the alignment of nine altars concentrated in front of the compartment placed in the middle. The present raw of altars is not perfectly parallel to the walls of the edifice, but the disruption may have occurred further to landslides or collapses.
           All the nine altars found on that spot were collapsed, the inscribed face down, the bases oriented to the west and the upper sides to the east. The unwritten side of the altars was found at very small depths ranging from -0.14/-0.29 m (measured from the current level of the ground), inside the brown soil pigmented with red particles. The written side of the altars was found on the layer of yellow clay with red particles, at -0.36-0.43 m deep from the current level of the land.
           The nine altars would, in fact, make two groups places at 2 m distance from one another. The items shall be described in the order of their location on the North-South axis.


           1. Altar
           the first from the north (Figs. 5/1; 14/1)
           reddish grit stone (in section)
           very good conservation (only the base is slightly chipped on the right side)
           dimensions: H: 74 cm, capital width: 33.5 cm, field width: 22.5 cm, base width: 32 m, capital
           thick.: 25.5 cm, field thick.: 20.5 cm, base thick.: 26.5 cm, letters h.: 4.5 cm, depth of libation slot: 2.8 cm
           inscription field with the long sides curved, square space for libations
           base and capital with profiles, capital decorated with two volutes and three incised triangles,
           with a perpendicular line incised on the middle
           traces of burn on the space for libations, on the capital we can see the mineralization levels of
           the stone
           inscription Fortun(ae)
           Auc(ustae) sac(rum)
           Plator Sar
           v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)
           l. 2 C instead of G for Augusta; l. 3 ligature between A and T; crack between the ligature
           and letter the O in Plator; ligature between A and R; separation dots between the words on l. 2-3
           The one who dedicated this altar bore a name that not only was Illyrian beyond any doubt, but also one of the most frequently attested in Alburnus Maior and the surrounding areas: Plator [3].
           Yet, the reconstitution of the other name, elliptic on the inscription, raises several questions. If the linguistic origin of a name is established, this does not necessarily indicate the origin or ethnic group of the person who bears that name. Still, a peregrinus with a common name, buried in a region close to Dalmatia, was most certainly a native with Illyrian forefathers, and the same conclusion can also be drawn for persons from other regions of the Roman Empire [2a] bearing similar names. If we assume that the character attested in the inscription was an Illyrian peregrinus whose name-formation would follow the tradition (name followed by the patronymic) and in case his father was also an Illyrian, then the inscription could be reconstituted as Sar(ni) (filius) [5] or Sar(nuni), the genitive of the name Sarnunius, derived from Sarnus [3a]. Also, the father could have been named Sarius or Sareius [4]. It is less likely that Sar... could be the short for Sar(dias) - in which case this would indicate that he was from the Illyrian town or tribe in Dalmatia [5a], since the character's patronymic which should have been placed before the ethnic name is missing .
           The Goddess Fortuna falls under the large group of abstract personifications, so numerous in Roman religion [6]. Even if, at least to a certain extent, the cult of Fortuna was proliferated due to the Etruscan influence [7], we must indicate that the general perception of Fortuna as numen, which can have multiple manifestations, as a protective spirit of an individual or of the entire populus Romanus, of a single locality or even of a single day or event, is characteristic of Roman beliefs [8]. The mere aspect that Fortuna is an element of Roman everyday life, be it public or private, represents the source of its power as a theme for official propaganda, the politic side of the Goddess cult being openly expressed starting with Augustus' reign [9]. From the moment when Fortuna Augusta or Augusti became the protective spirit of the emperor, the number of monuments dedicated to the Goddess aggrandized by the respective epithet dramatically increased, since bestowing honor to Fortuna with epithets such as Augusta or Redux was the ultimate expression of loyalty to the state and the emperor [10].
           Fortuna is one of the Roman divinities embraced by the Illyrians [11] and also quite extensively honored in Dacia [12], in the proximity of Roşia Montana, more precisely at Ampelum [13] and not only (we would like to mention the inscription found at Micia, dedicated by Scribonius Castus, prefect of the 2^nd cohort Flavia Commagenorum to the Goddess Fortuna [17], having exactly the same formula as the inscription discovered on Dalea property: Fortunae Augustae sacrum).
           Though it is very likely that the character in the inscription analyzed above preserved his Illyrian name, he intended to express, at the same time, his sheer loyalty to the Roman Empire and the Emperor.

           2. Altar
           found 0.22 m South of altar no. 1 (Figs. 5/2; 14/2)
           orange grit stone (in section)
           very good conservation, the base is slightly chipped
           dimensions: H.: 60.5 cm, capital width: 30.5 cm, field width: 25.5 cm, base width: 29 cm,
           capital thick.: 22.5 cm, field thick.: 20.5 cm, base thick.: 24 cm, letters h.: between 3-3.9 cm,
           depth of libation slot: 2.6 cm
           inscription field with the sides very slightly curved, rectangular space for libations
           base and capital with profiles, capital decorated with two volutes joined at the top between
           which we can see an incised triangle, with a perpendicular line incised in the middle
           dark traces of smoke and soot on the entire front of the altar, especially on the inscription
           field
           inscription, slightly slanting Asclepio
           M(arcus) Ul(pius) Cle(?mens)
           et Ael(ius) Me-
           s ex vo(to) p(osuerunt)
           Semicircle at the beginning of l. 3; l. 4 words ex vo(to) written together, without a space.
           The first of the dedicators is a Roman citizen, according to the tria nomina. The relatively frequent occurrence of the kinship name Ulpius is in a direct connection to the mining activities in Bosnia carried out under the command of Emperor Trajan [14], and it was at that time when the character mentioned in the inscription was bestowed Roman citizenship. Once Dacia was conquered, the gold mines in Dalmatia would decay and many miners would be colonized to Dacia [15], and that could have been the occasion on which M. Ulpius Cle... reached Alburnus Maior. Given that the character bears the tria nomina and he is a Roman citizen, probably we should search in the onomastics of Latin, possibly Italic origin, for the reconstruction of the cognomen. We might think of the name Cle(mens), a cognomen attested in Dacia, in the very person on the legate Sextus Cornelius Clemens, between 170-172 [16]. Caius Spedius Clemens is attested in an inscription found at Ulpia [17a], and the centurion Clemens activates in cohors I Vindelicorum [18]. Also a centurion, but in the legion XIII Gemina, is G. Valerius Clemens [19]. A possible solution would also be Cle(mentianus), cognomen attested in Dalmatia [20], just like Clemens [21].
           The other dedicator of the inscription bears the imperial kinship name Aelius, relatively frequent, among other imperial names, in the surrounding areas of Alburnus Maior [22]. Unlike the kinship names of Ulpius and Flavius, more often present in the inscriptions found on the slope, those who bore the kinship names of Aelius and Aurelius are found in greater number in Dalmatia [23]. It is hard to know exactly what Mes... stands for. The name of the Illyrian who had become a Roman citizen under Hadrian' reign could be reconstructed in many ways: Mes(sia) (Aurelius Messia is attested at Salona) [24], Mes(sianus) (documented at Napoca and Salona) [25], Mes(sinus) (P. Aelius Messinus found in Pannonia Superior) [26], Mes(sius) (just like in Alburnus Maior) [27], Mes(sor) (popular in Dalmatia) [28], just like Mes(sorianus) [29], Mes(trinus) or Mes(trius) (in Pannonia Superior and Inferior or in Moesia Superior) [30].
           The cult of the God of Health, sometimes associated to Telesphorus, symbolizing convalescence, was very popular in the country of origin of the Illyrian colonists [31], but especially in Dacia [32]. Apulum and Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa are active centers for the cult of the God [33]; yet, two altars were also discovered in other localities close to the mining center in Alburnus Maior, such as Ampelum [34], while another inscription attests the existence, in the vicinity of Zlatna [35], of a temple built by a liberated imperial slave whose name was reconstituted to [Eutych]es.
           The name of the God is somehow unusually spelt: Asclepio, instead of Aesculapio, certainly due to a Greek influence. Yet, this unusual form is not the only one found in Dacia, where it was also attested at Napoca and Apulum [36], even at Alburnus Maior [37], as well as in other provinces of the Roman Empire, such as Noricum [38], Pannonia Superior [39], Pannonia Inferior [40], Dalmatia [41]. With respect to the last mention, regarding the altar discovered in Dalmatia, in the northern half of Brac isle, we must notice not only the similarity to the name under which the God of Health is honored, but also the stylistic resemblance between the two items (except for the dimensions, given that the altar found in Dalmatia is smaller than the one discovered on Dalea property) [42]. This resemblance might suggest that the Illyrians colonized in Dacia had preserved their identity not only by their names or gods, but also by art. The theory according to which artistic connections with the places of origin were preserved (probably by circulation of the same sculptural models) becomes better founded in the light of the discovery made at the Varvaria center of Liburnia, that is an altar consecrated to the Goddess Isis, belonging to the same stylistic group of altars decorated with volutes and triangles [47].

           3. Altar
           discovered 0.12 m South of no. 2 (Figs. 5/3; 14/3)
           yellow-gray grit stone with red streaks
           poor state of conservation, the façade is half broken, the left side of the capital is missing, the
           base is broken on the lower side
           dimensions: h.: 58 cm, capital width: 33 cm, field width: 26 cm, base width: 30.5 cm, capital
           thick.: 22 cm, field thick.: 18.5 cm, base thick.: 20.5 cm, letters h.: 3.9-4.1 cm, depth of
           libation slot 1.9 cm
           long sides slightly curved, rectangular space for libations
           the base and the capital are profiled, capital decorated with two volutes and three incised
           triangles, with an perpendicular line incised on the middle
           inscription Merc(urio) sac(rum)
           [S..i]rat
           Beuc(i) (qui et) Sut
           v(otum) l(ibens) s(olvit)
           The poor state of conservation of the altar makes it very difficult to establish the name of the dedicator. Nevertheless, the presence of the element Beuc-, undoubtedly from the Illyrian name Beucus, could provide a hint for interpretation. The character in the inscription is certainly a peregrinus. His name, reconstituted with the appropriate margin of error, could be deciphered as [S..i]rat Beuc(i) (filius) (qui et) Sut... We have not found any reconstruction solution for his proper name yet, the only Illyrian name, somehow similar, is Simiras, found in Pannonia Inferior [43]. See the analysis below, at no. 7, about the name of Beucus- in the present case a patronymic. As for the possibility that the last letters represent the nickname, see the analysis below, at no. 4, with the mention that the reconstitution variants are attested in the very Alburnus Maior: Sut(tius) [44] or Sut(tinis) [45].
           The discussion about the God Mercury includes two elements corresponding to two traditions of different origin. On the one hand, the iconography reveals a typically divine character identifiable by features and emblems, representing the Roman equivalent of the Hellenistic God Hermes. On the other hand, the Latin literary tradition and epigraphic material indicate a divine name of a functional allure - Mercurius, of the same kind as many ancient Latin divinities whose indecisive personalities are essentially defined by a modus operandi [46]. At its origin, Mercurius is not a proper name, but an adjective, initially used as an epithet indicating a particular aspect of divine power in the innovative domain of trade and traffic. Therefore, in Rome, Mercurius is a functional divinity, the patron of merx, rather than of the traders (mercatores), since his specialty is not generous interest for those who are into trading, but transcendence to a sacred plan of mercantile relationship with everything that is involved, as a gate to an outside world known at least theoretically by the collectivity and, therefore, with a risk-generating factor [47a].
           The cult of this god was unevenly distributed within the Roman Empire, being more popular in the Celtic regions where it used to be assimilated to a local divinity and less popular in Hispania, the Oriental provinces and Africa [48]. In Dacia, Mercury is rather attested in sculptural forms and many bronze statutes than epigraphically [49]. Yet, at Alburnus Maior and Apulum, ancient worship of this God, by himself or in association with other divinities, is relatively well attested epigraphically by the two votive boards found at Apulum [50], the altar dedicated by the Illyrian Nassidius Primus to Mercurius Augustus [51] and also by the altar discovered on the property of Lajos Szekely [52] at Alburnus Maior.
           Although the epithet Augustus very often qualifies the God's name, in the epigraphic material discovered on Dalea property we can only find the mere name of the God, just like in an inscription discovered at Micia [53], which most likely indicates a private sacred dedication.

           4. Altar
           discovered 0.18 m south of altar no. 3 (Figs. 5/4; 14/4)
           yellow-gray grit stone
           very good preservation, small cracks of the capital and the base
           dimensions: h.: 89.5 cm, capital width: 35.5 cm, field width: 26 cm, base width: 35 cm, capital
           thick.: 26.5 cm, field thick.: 20.5 cm, base thick.: 27.5 cm, letters h.: between 3.5-3.8 cm,
           depth libation slot: 2.8 cm
           long sides curved, space for libations almost square in shape
           the base and the capital are profiled, the capital is decorated with two volutes with joint tops,
           between them there are three incised triangles with a perpendicular line incised in the center
           inscription Apollini sacr(um)
           Verso Das-
           antis qui (et)
           Veidavius
           v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)
           separation dots between words; l. 4 ligature between A and V
           Both the name (Verso) and the patronymic (Dasas-Dasantis) of the peregrine who dedicated the inscription to Apollo are typical and frequently encountered in the Illyrian world [54]. The element of sheer novelty is the nickname that the character is known under: Veidavius.
           The onomastic formulas which contain a reference (implicit or explicit) qui et are more characteristic of the Illyrians who had become Roman citizens and had tried to balance their new status- materialized in a tria nomina- with their old customs [55]. This was not the case of Verso, son of Dasas, who had maintained his Illyrian name. Being an Illyrian with a characteristic name, we could assume that the nickname Veidavius is of the same origin, although we have not encountered it attested so far. This could, eventually, be related to a linguistic root meaning "to speak" (- ued-, uend-) [56], wherefrom names as Vendo or Vendes derived. Yet, even in Alburnus Maior, there were the Illyrians who had kept their names and also had taken on some nicknames - about I. I. Russu thinks that were either Illyrian or Romanic-Italic: Panes Epicadi qui et Suttius [57] or Dasas Loni qui et... [58]. We can find a Roman nickname in the case of the Illyrian character Titus Beusantis, qui et Bradua [59].
           The influence of Greek colonies from the Southern Italy had an important role in the expansion of the Roman cult of Apollo, reconstructed on archaic memories; for example, the Apollonian ritual was essential [60]. Before Augustus' time, the God had mostly cast a secondary influence on the Roman religious life and, especially, it seems now that during the Roman republic collective invocation prevailed over personal devotion [61]. Yet, at the time of the battle fought at Actium, Octavian's Apollinism had become an advantage and, especially, the common name for a reconciliation between two sides of the Roman world, as part of a policy of peace and piety [62]. Augustus tried to reunite political realists and mystics around the God, in a subtle effort aiming at a counterbalance especially of the refined Romans and the elites from the Greek provinces, of the archaic and strictly Roman propensity for religious restoration undertaken by the same [63]. The healing and purifying powers of the ancient Roman God Apollo had been superseded by his artistic attributes [64]. Paradoxically, once the special importance of official religious manifestations increased, a progressive decrease in the symbolism of Apollonian cult was reported, starting with the second half of the 2^nd centruy A.D., but especially during the next century. Hopes and symbols of secular renewal were redirected towards other temples and divinities (Venus, Roma Aeterna), as well as sacrifices for the endurance and perpetuity of the Roman state, while Apollo's cult - as maintained on the Palatine, enjoyed little credit in the movement aiming to impose a mostly solar religion in Rome, from Severi to Aurelian [65].
           However, in the provinces, probably further to the assimilation of local divinities, the cult of Apollo was widely spread, including in Dalmatia [66] and Dacia [67]. This cult is quite well attested in the mining area in Dacia by three older dedications out of which two bore no epithet [68] and other two recently discovered [69] at Alburnus Maior, as well as in the inscription dedicated to Emperor Hadrian's health, at Ampelum [70].
           The altar discovered on Dalea property more accurately suggests a private worship evidenced by the absence of the epithet Augustus, although we could not exclude the connection between gold mines and the God who had come to epitomize them [71].

           5. Altar
           collapsed on a transverse position, discovered 0.02 m South from altar no. 4 (distance between
           the capitals) and 0.14 cm South (distance on the center of the altars), the lower part if the base
           sitting on a small pile of coals (Figs. 5/5; 15/5)
           yellowish-gray grit stone
           the left half of the capital was broken
           dimensions: h.: 83 cm, capital width: 34 cm, field width: 31.5 cm, base width: 34 cm, capital
           thick.: 26 cm, field thick.: 26 cm, base thick.: 27 cm, letters h.: l. 1 between 4.5 and 4.7 cm,
           yet the final N is 3.7 cm high, l. 2 - 4 cm, l. 5 between 3.5-3.9 cm, depth of libation slot: 2 cm
           long sides are straight, the space for libations is round
           the base and the capitals are shaped
           inscription Silvan(o)
           ex voto
           Dexter et
           Martialis
           fratris
           l. 2 the words ex voto are written together, without any space in-between
           The brothers Dexter and Martialis, who dedicated an altar to the God Silvanus, were two peregrines bearing Roman names. Both names were quite popular, both as part of a tria nomina and as stand-alones. People named Dexter were encountered in Dacia, more precisely in Apulum [72], Dalmatia [73], Pannonia Superior [74] or Pannonia Inferior [75]. It was only in Dalmatia [76] or Pannonia [77] that individuals named Martialis were attested, unlike Dacia, where the above name was part of a tria nomina [78]. For the time being, the first attestations of the two names were at Alburnus Maior.
           We should also note the grammar mistake present in the last line of the inscription, fratris instead of the correct plural form fratres.
           Very widely spread in Dacia [79], the cult of the God Silvanus seems to have enjoyed a special attention in Alburnus Maior [80], as well. This can be explained especially in relation to the finds from other regions inhabited by Illyrians.
           Silvanus is an older Italic divinity, especially a protector of herds, fields and peasants, but also of hunting, agricultural lands and borderlines. In Rome, only the peasants, shepherds and poor people worshiped the God [81]. During the Roman conquest, local inhabitants of the Roman provinces soon adopted Silvanus, especially in Dalmatia, Pannonia, Dacia and Africa, where the phenomenon of interpretatio Romana of older local beliefs took place [82]. In Dalmatia an older Illyrian divinity was turned into Silvanus, which resulted into a lot of shrines dedicated to the newly-appointed God [83]. It was especially in the land of the Dalmatians (Delmatae), one of the most important centers where the cult of Silvanus was practiced, adored with epithets or under names which would in fact hide different local divinities [84]; the glyptic artifacts representing the above-mentioned God rather make us think of the Greek type of Pan (the goat-legged God) than the Italic Silvanus [85]. It was especially in Pannonia where two aspects of cult of Silvanus could be distinguished, aspects relating to the attributes of the God who was, on the one had, protector of home and household area (in this quality he is associated to the Lares Gods and bears the epithet domesticus, more similar, perhaps, to the Italic aspect), on the other hand he was the protector of vast areas of pastures and forests (and in this quality he was associated to the Greek God Pan and bears the epithet Silvestris or Silvester) [86].
           Unlike Ampelum, where the epithet domesticus prevailed [87], in Alburnus Maior, with only one exception [88], the altars were dedicated to Silvanus Silvester [89] or to Silvanus, without any epithetic-qualification [90]. The absence of the epithet also characterizes an altar from Ampelum [91]. Obsecration of the plain name of the God, without any attribute, is representative for Dalmatia and this practice was proliferated by Illyrian colonists to other regions, as well [92]. In fact, the mining area is one of the three most important centers for the cult of Silvanus in Dacia Superior, next to Micia and Apulum [93].
           We would also like to mention that the epigraphic monuments dedicated to Silvanus and the archeological finds revealed in Illyrian regions do not attest the existence of actual shrines, but it led to the assumption that places of worship would very likely be located in the open air [94], just like the interior courtyard of the edifice found on Dalea property.

           6. Altar
           collapsed on a transverse position, discovered 0.36 m South from altar no. 5, broken (probably
           falling down), a fragment form the base and one from the capital dislocated 0.46 m away to
           South-East (Figs. 6/6; 15/6)
           orange grit stone
           half of the capital is missing, the base if broken on the left side, the entire side which is not
           carved is broken and chipped
           dimensions: h.: 75.5 cm, the width of the capital cannot be reconstituted, field width: 26 cm,
           base width: 31.5 cm, capital thick.: 25.5 cm, field thick.: 22.5 cm, base thick.: approx. 25 cm
           (broken), letters h.: l. 1-3 between 5.8-6 cm, l. 4 - 4 cm, depth of libation slot approx. 1.5 cm
           polished on a band which ranges in width from 4.5 (upper part) and 9.5 cm (lower part), found
           on the left side of the carved area and on the left lateral side
           long sides are slightly curved, the space for libations is square
           the base and the capitals are profiled, imitations of volutes and triangle pediment
           inscription [N]imp(is)
           Ael(ius) Mar
           Sar
           v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)
           If we deciphered it well, the dedicator is a Roman citizen. The imperial name of Aelius reveals that the character was granted Roman citizenships during the reign of Emperor Hadrian. We can't know exactly what nomen isMar... part of, since there are quite many possibilities. A first one could be Mar(tialis), a name attested in the inscription no. 5 (see above). Roman citizens bearing the same name as the one found in this inscription - Aelius Martialis - were encountered in Moesia Inferior [95], but also in Pannonia Inferior [96] and Dalmatia [97]. Yet, we cannot rule out other documented possibilities, such as: Mar(cellus) (attested in Apulum [98] and also in other provinces [99]), Mar(cus) [100], Mar(sus) [101], Mar(tinus) [102], Mar(tianus) [103] or Mar(ullinus) [104].
           As for the elision of the last part of Sar..., see above no. 1, with the mention that its reconstitution to Sar(dias) can be, in this case, interpreted as an indication of his ethnic origin. Appurtenance to the College of the Sardeates would account for the reconstitution to Sar(deatum), if this variant was chosen.
           The fragmentary state of the altar makes our attempt to establish the name of the divinity to which the altar was dedicated very difficult.
           Although not consistent with the oblique line starting in the letter P, we cannot consider another reconstitution than [N]imp(is) - therefore an altar dedicated to the collective divinity Nymphae. Although in the inscriptions found in all the other parts of Dacia their name was spelt with an y, we have a supplementary reason for the solution set above, i.e. an altar discovered in the sacred grove from Alburnus Maior where the name is spelt Nimpis [105]. This unusual spelling was also attested in South Dalmatia [106].
           The Greek cult of nymphs had pervaded the Italic tribes since very early times and, given the Roman conquest, it reached other provinces as well, where it was set in relation to the aquatic element, especially springs and hot waters [107]. The nymphs are the most important feminine collective divinity attested in Dacia, where their name is qualified by epithets, such as: sanctae, salutiferae, but also Augustae or novae [108]. We cannot leave out the phenomenon of interpretatio Romana of local deities which took place in Dalmatia or Dacia, to a wider extent at Germisara [109], but, anyway, we should emphasize a certain particularity of this cult at least in Dacia, that is worship of such feminine divinities- yet without the typical female attributes like maternity or fecundity - almost exclusively by men from all the social levels and bearing names of different origins [110].

           7. Altar
           discovered 2 m South from altar no. 6, some coals on the non engraved surface (Figs. 6/7;
           15/7)
           gray grit stone
           perfect state of conservation
           dimensions: h.: 85 cm, capital width: 31cm, field width: 29 cm, base width: 31 cm, capital
           thick.: 28 cm, field thick.: 25 cm, base thick.: 26 cm, letters h.: 4-4.5 cm
           long sides are straight, the space for libations is round
           the base and capital are shaped
           on the letters of the inscriptions there are traces of red paint
           inscription Lib(ero) et Lib(erae)
           ex vot(o)
           Beucus
           Dasant(is)
           Triangular marks for word separation; l. 4 ligature between N and T
           Beucus, son of Dasas, was most certainly an Illyrian peregrine. His father had a very common name for the Illyrian world [111], also attested in Alburnus Maior [112], as well. As for the name Beucus, also found on a funeral monument in Alburnus Maior [113], it was interpreted as a spelling or reading error, instead of B(r)eucus, Illyrian ethnic name and appellation also encountered in the Roman provine Dacia [114]. Nevertheless, considering that the two inscriptions (no. 3 and no. 7) attest the form Beucus, we wonder to what extent would the theory of a spelling error still stand and whether we should accept the name of Beucus as variant for Breucus.
           Several regions, among which Thrace, Asia Minor and Egypt, cast an important influence on the Dionysian myth, born out of the Greek crucible only to re-disseminate during the Hellenistic age towards the regions which had previously influenced it [115]. The ancient Italic God, whose name was adorned with the special epithet pater, was an agrarian deity who was progressively transformed into the God of wine [116]. Taking a stand in order to settle down the excesses of the Dionysian religion, the Roman state altered its initial character and, in time, the Greek Dionysus grew very different from Liber Pater [117]. The important political role of the God Liber Pater, especially during the last years of the Roman republic, as the pledge of individual or collective freedom - a role also facilitated by the linguistic identity between the name of the God and the adjective liber (free) - was materialized into the appurtenance of Liber to the Aventin Triad worshipped by the people, as opposed to the Capitol Triad venerated by the patricians [118]. Though not member of the great pantheon of the Empire's early days, emperors like Hadrian or Antoninus Pius showed their special preference for the Dionysian cult. Under Septimius Severus, Liber became not only the God of the imperial family, but also one of the main deities of the Roman state [119]. We must indicate that, since the very age of Augustus' direct successors, the Dionysian cult had flourished in the Oriental provinces of the Empire where it had acquired an official character in relation to the Roman state, by joining Dionysian festivities and celebrations of the emperors, and, later on, even assimilating the emperor to the God [120].
           The cult of the God Liber, alone or in association to Libera, was widely spread all over the Empire, both in Rome and in Italy, as well as in the provinces, such as: Africa, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia. In the entire Danube region and also in Dalmatia, the name of Liber concealed in fact a local divinity - or a couple in the case of Liber-Libera [121]. This cult was practiced at all the social levels, especially in urban areas, among which an important center was Apulum [122] ; the worship of the God Liber is well attested in Alburnus Maior, too, by three votive altars which had been discovered before the altar found on Dalea property [123]. Therefore, this altar is the first evidence of the ancient cult of the divine couple Liber-Libera in Alburnus Maior- a phenomenon significantly sporadic in the epigraphic material as compared to the worship of Liber alone [124].

           8. Altar
           discovered 24 cm south of altar no. 7, collapsed on a small pile of coal (Fig. 6/8; 15/8)
           spongy stone (tuff?) yellow-reddish
           very good conservation, except for the erosion on the rock
           dimensions: h.: 92 cm, capital width: 34.5 cm, field width: 32.5 cm, base width: 34 cm, capital thick.: 25.5 cm, field thick.: 25.5 cm, base thick.: 25.5 cm, letters h.: between 4-4.3 cm, and on l. 5: 3.3 cm, depth of the libation slot: 2.2 cm
           straight sides, the space for libations is round
           the base and the capital are shaped
           inscription Terrae
           Matri
           ex voto
           Dasius Sta
           [q(ui et)] Durius
           l. 3 the words ex voto are written together, without any space in-between; l. 5 could have been added later considering the small dimensions of the letters
           Although the altar is well preserved, the inscription is very worn out and some parts are very difficult to read.
           As for the name of the dedicator, we can distinguish the name of Dasius as part of the tria nomina; Dasius is the most common and popular Illyrian and Messapian name [125], also frequently attested in Roşia Montană [126]. Only the letters ST can be deciphered out of the name following Dasius, which should normally be the patronymic; there is also the beginning of an oblique line which we identified as the letter A, especially by analogy to inscription no. 9, where we can clearly read the name (in the genitive) Stagilis (see below). If we accepted the assumption that Dasius' father was an Illyrian himself, he might have had the name of Staticus, Statinius or Stattius [127]. Another case, similar to that of the character in the inscription no. 10 is less probable (see below) - the son bears a typically Illyrian name and the father bears a name of a different origin; this may account for a wide number of reconstitutions, with the mention that none of the proposed variants is associated to typically Illyrian names: Sta(bilis) [128], Sta(phylus) [129], Sta(tianus) [130], Sta(tilianus) [131], Sta(tilius) [132], Sta(torius) [133], Sta(tutus) [134].
           The last line in the inscription is distinguished by the reduced size of the letters, approximately 10 cm smaller than the rest of the inscription, and also by the arrangement of the letters only at the right corner of the field. As for the word written on the stone, we can read Durius, which we interpreted as the proper name since it follows right after the dedicator's name. Nevertheless, this solution has to be regarded with great care, merely because the mentioned name has not been encountered in Dacia before; only one mention of this name was met on the territory of Emona [135]. If the letter Q preceded the name, and not due to a mere erosion accident of the stone, than the case would be much clearer from an epigraphic point of view - Dasius Sta.... q(ui et) Durius, therefore Durius would be the nickname of the character. Yet, we are still confronted by the aspect concerning the small size of the letters and their eccentric arrangement, a question to which we cannot foresee any answer at this moment (possibly, considering the relative similarity of the letters, it could that be a subsequent intervention of the lapidist).
           By and large, Terra Mater could be included among the personified abstractions of Roman religion [136]. The cult of the deity Tellus-Terra Mater had only spread outside Italy in certain provinces like Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia or North Africa. Characteristic of the Danubian cult was worship under the exclusive name of Terra Mater, while in the other regions we would have either names or only the name of Tellus [137]. However, we must underline the aspect that Terra Mater was a new Goddess - both as name and as representation - who had become integral part of the state religion under the Emperor Augustus. Given that quality, she was not exactly the same as the older agrarian deity Tellus, because the name of Terra Mater would rather be the Latin translation of the Greek Goddess Gaia [138]. The Goddess bears a different symbolism if placed in the context that the reference might fall under: philosophic, theological, imperial propaganda or private cult of the inhabitants of the provinces [139]. Probably also due to the connection to Magna Mater, having become an integral part of the official Roman religion since the time of the Republic, Terra Mater was usually worshipped and invoked according to the official religious conception - as indicated by the frequent associations to Iupiter Optimus Maximus of the Capitol Triad, and also on account of the fact that, at least in Pannonia, most altars were dedicated to the emperor's health, given that most of the dedicators were from the provincial aristocracy or the mines administration [140]; we should also bear in mind its identification to the Earth Goddess of a certain area of the Empire which she protects, also from a military point of view- as attested by her worship along the limes [141]. In Dacia and Dalmatia the cult of the Goddess acquired a new and dominant quality tightly related to the mining activity, to the prejudice of the agrarian aspect, relating to the Italic tradition, this accounting for the exclusive worship of Terra Mater in the intra-Carpathian Dacia [142]. The tight connection between the centers where the Goddess was attested and the mining activity, both in Dalmatia and in Dacia, comes to argue in favor of an organized and official character of the cult starting with the second half of the 2^nd century A.D. and the first half of the following century [143]. In Alburnus Maior, the altar discovered on Dalea property adds to a small number (two) of monuments known so far [144].

           9. Altar
           collapsed on a transverse position from altar no. 8, discovered 0.02 m South of altar no. 8 (distance between bases) and 0.08 m South (distance to the center) (Figs. 6/9; 16/10)
           gray spongy stone (dacite?)
           good conservation, broken base
           dimensions: h.: 89 cm, capital width: 34.5 cm, field width: 31.5 cm, base width: 34 cm, capital thick.: 30 cm, field thick.: 29 cm, base thick.: 31 cm, letters h.: between 3.8-4.3 cm, depth of the libation slot: 3 cm
           straight sides, the space for libation is round
           the base and capital are shaped
           inscription I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)
           ex voto
           Panes Sta-
           gilis
           v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)
           triangular signs for word-separation; l. 2 the words ex voto written together, with no space in-between, very small final O; l. 3 ligature between E and S
           The peregrine who dedicated the altar to Iupiter Optimus Maximus bore an Illyrian name [145], particularly characteristic of Dalmatian population [146]. The patronymic Stagilis (in the genitive) is one that has not been encountered in Dacia or in other imperial provinces before and, therefore, its form in the nominative cannot be exactly established.
           Zeus-Iupiter represents a common Indo-European legacy of the Greeks and the inhabitants of the Italic Peninsula, in both areas having divine attributes of master of the humans and of the gods at the same time [147]. The cult of Iupiter Optimus Maximus does not belong to the earliest stage of the Roman religion; it was imposed as a conscientious political legitimating act during the time of Tarquinius Priscus [148]. His inclusion in the Republican pantheon represents the closing stage of the complex process of creation and acceptance of a God whose name and epithets reflected the dual image of a father (pater being an integral part of the name of Iupiter), but, most importantly, of a charismatic keeper and guarantor of the imperial mission of the Roman community [149]. In spite of an intentionally minor role in Augustus and his successors' propaganda during Nero's time, the God is rehabilitated as a dominant divine figure in the official imperial ideology since the supreme god directly bestowed his power on the emperor. The imagine of the emperor as a vice-regent elected by Iupiter, mediator between humans and gods, shall be heavily exploited by the emperors who were perceived in a totally different manner by the historiographic tradition, such as Domitian, Trajan or Hadrian [150].
           As for the cult of Iupiter Optimus Maximus practiced in the provinces, in spite of a significant private devotion, particularly evident during the Antonian age, the political aspect, of loyalty to the emperor, the institutions and the order imposed by the Roman state, would yet prevail over the religious aspect [151]. This aspect is supported by the analysis of the epigraphic material, the dedicators mostly being clerks within the administrative systems and the army or members of the urban elites. Therefore, we can explain the frequency of the monuments dedicated to the supreme god on the Dacian [152] territory and the gold-winning region [153]. The political character of Iupiter's worship also favored syncretism with other divinities of the conquered populations, especially Oriental. The resulting syncretistic divinity could enjoy a wide circulation outside the area of origin, as in the case of Iupiter Dolichenus to whom a temple was dedicated in Ampelum [154], one of the worshippers of the divinity being the governor of Dacia Superior - M. Statius Priscus - on occasion of a visit to the gold mines' administrative center [155]. Out of the 13 altars dedicated to Iupiter discovered in Alburnus Maior so far, except one which has no references at this moment [156], six were erected by Roman citizens [157], one by an Illyrian peregrine who was granted Roman citizenship [158] and three by Illyrians [159]. Panes Stagilis falls under the last category of Illyrian peregrines with typical names. In the case of two altars, names were not preserved or are uncertain [160].

           10. Altar
           discovered behind altars 3-4, collapsed in a transverse position to the other altars, 0.22 m West of altar no. 3 and 0.44 m West from altar no. 4, it was lying front down, on a side, the base to the East and the capital to the West (therefore, in its initial position it was back-to-back to altars 3-4 and the inscription to the compartments on the western side of the edifice) (Fig. 7/10; 16/9). We can see that the base of the altar fell on a small pile of coals.
           grayish-yellow grit stone
           the sides from behind the capital and at its left are broken
           dimensions: h.: 64.,5 cm, capital width: 29.5 cm, field width: 26 cm, base width: 29 cm, capital thick.: 23 cm, field thick.: 20 cm, base thick.: 22.5 cm, letters h.: between 3-3.5 cm, depth of the libation slot: 2.4 cm
           the long sides are barely curved, the space for libations is round
           the base and capital are shaped
           inscription Dib....tanis
           Bato Sec-
           undi
           v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)
           We can assign the same legal status to the character depicted by this inscription. There are two arguments for this: the name formed according to the Illyrian tradition (the name of the character himself followed by the name of his father, in the genitive) and the Illyrian resonance of the son's name, in spite of the unique, Roman name of his father.
           Next to Panes, Bato is one of the most common names in the area inhabited by the Dalmatian tribe [161] and also one of the most often attested among the first Illyrians colonized at Alburnus Maior [162].
           Secundus was widely spread in the Empire and also in Dacia, as a cognomen [163]. Those who were named Secundus are more often attested in Dacia [164], but especially in Dalmatia [165], Pannonia Superior [166] or Inferior [167]. Secundus was also the name of the slave-actor (appointed administrator) owned by Cassius Palumbus, who appears on the wax-coated tablet no. 14 (TabCerD XIV) as a contributor to the establishment of an association with an important share of his own money [168].
           Was Secundus from the inscription the same person as the one found in the wax-coated tablet and, more importantly, why would a father with a Roman name give his son an Illyrian name (a situation which is singular in Alburnus Maior) are still questions with no answers.
           At this moment no reconstitution variant for the name of the deity to whom the altar was dedicated is certain. However, we could dare suggest that the altar was dedicated to a collective deity if we were to interpret the letters Dib as the abbreviation, in an incorrect Latin, of Di(i)b(us). Considering that the termination -is (in the dative), it would probably mean that the name of the deities in the nominative ended in -ae (inflection no. 1), which, is however impossible is we were to agree on the reconstitution to Di(i)b(us), or, more likely, -i (inflection no. 2). The lack of any analogies prevents us from making assumptions about the particularities of the deities worshipped by the altar currently analyzed (probably, considering the circumstances mentioned above, there were divinities protecting the community which inhabited and used the edifice found on Dalea property?).

           11. Altar
           discovered 2.9 m East from altar no. 6, in the eastern profile of S 1, collapsed face down, with the base to the East and the capital to the West, lying on o side (Fig. 7/11)
           gray ground stones (tuff?)
           very good conservation, worn out only on the left side of the field
           dimensions: h.: 49.5 cm, capital width: 25 cm, field width: 20 cm, base width: 26.5 cm, capital thick.: 21.5 cm, field thick.: 20.5 cm, base thick.: 22 cm, depth of libations slot: 1.5 cm
           the long sides of the field are curved, the space for libations is rectangular
           simple base and capital
           anepigraph

           12. Altar
           discovered isolated (Fig. 7/12), 3.50 m North from altar no. 1, collapsed on one side, face up and base to the West (Fig. 3/1). Its position in the plan would account for the assumption that, together with altar no. 10, it was part of the second row of altars, behind the main alignment, yet its initial position, facing east, was the same as of the nine altars of the central row.
           debris of reddish grit stone,
           base and the lower half of the field are broken, the profiles on the capital are very blunt on the front side
           dimensions: h.: 65 cm, capital width: 32.5 cm, field width: 22 cm, base width: 30 cm, capital thick.: 20.5 cm, field thick.: 18.5 cm, current base thick.: approx. 20 cm, depth of libation slot: 2 cm
           the long sides of the field are curved, the space for libations is rectangular
           base and capital with profiles
           anepigraph

           13. Altar
           discovered in the central partition (Figs. 7/13; 16/13), 5.40 m West from altars no. 3-4, collapsed face up and base to the West, almost half of its front side covered by stones, the rest is covered by brown soil (Fig. 3/2)
           reddish tuffite (?)
           the right half of the capital is cracked
           dimensions: h.: 97 cm, capital width: 34 cm, width field: 29.5 cm, base width: 36 cm, capital thick.: 26 cm, field thick.: 21 cm, base thick.: 23 cm, letters h.: 4 cm, depth of the libation slot: 3.2 cm
           the long sides of the field are slightly curved, the space for libations is square
           base and capital are profiled, capital decorated with two volute with joined tops and between them there are three incised triangles, clumsy decoration; to the right, the side of the triangle starts from the volute, while to the left the volute ends in a line

           on the space for libations we can detect vague black traces, yet we cannot state exactly if this is from organic scraps or just a trace of smoke.
           inscription Apio Del-
           m(atarum) sacrum
           Purius
           et German-
           us v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes)
           m(erito)
           l. 1 I or T; l. 3 ligature between V and R, and the second V starts from I; l. 4 ligature
           between M and A; the interior line of G is oblique
           Probably Purius and Germanus in this inscription were brothers, considering that the adjective germanus, in the phrase frater germanus means good brother from the same parents [169]. Undoubtedly, the two were peregrines.
           Especially as a cognomen, Germanus is often attested in Dacia [170], and also in the surrounding provinces. We have people bearing the name of Germanus documented in Napoca [171] or in Dalmatia [172].
           Unfortunately, the situation of the first dedicator is not as clear as the above. His name has not been encountered in Dacia or anywhere else in the Empire. With utmost prudence, we might draw a connection to Purrus, a cognomen found at Pautalia as a spelling mistake for Pyrrhus [173]. The feminine form of the above-mentioned Greek is also attested at Alburnus Maior [174].
           The fact that the two peregrines offer an altar to a deity is surely attested by the word sacrum. At the same time, we are sure about the Dalmatic origin of the deity, explicitly indicated. Matres Pannoniorum et Delmatarum are documented in a dedication found at Lugdunum, Matres Magnae being native Dalmatic deities [175]. The god's name, Apius (it could also be read as Aptus, but from the analysis of the particularities of the two letters compared to the other graphic representations of the letters I and T in the inscription we would rather argue in favor of Apius) has not been attested so far.
           The only analogy that can be drawn is to names derived from the root apl-, apelo-, meaning force [176], such as Aplis, Aplo, Apludus, which, according to some authors, are related to the holy name Apollo [177].

           Very close to the main alignment of altars we found other items; we could not establish the most likely destination for all such items (Fig. 2).

           14. Altar
           discovered (?) 0.46 m South-West from altar no. 9 (Fig. 2)
           debris of white-greenish spongy stone
           broken in situ
           the long side is curved, 5 grooved decorations
           preserved length: 13.5 cm

           15. Stone plinth
           discovered in the same line with altars no. 7-9, 0.16 m South from altar no. 9 (Fig. 2), 0.16 m in front of item no. 14
           block of white-greenish spongy stone
           rectangular, a striation on the short side
           dimensions: length: 41 cm, width: 23 cm, preserved thick.: 13 cm

           16. Block (from the elevation of a wall?), 1.2 m South of altar no. 9 (Fig. 2), in a reclining position
           debris of reddish grit stone
           parallelepiped shape

           17. the item was uncovered at 0.10 m South from item no. 15 (Fig. 2)
           debris of orange sandy stone
           broken, the shape cannot be reconstituted
           max. preserved length.: 22 cm, max. preserved width: 22 cm, thick.: 11.5 cm

           18. Monolithic plate
           discovered 0.22 m North of altar no. 7 (Fig. 2), between the two groups of altars, standing aslant onto a massive block of stone which is broken now, without any signs of modification
           debris of orange sandy stone
           rectangular
           dimensions: length: 83 cm, width preserved: 36.5 cm, thick.: 18 cm

           19. Block found between the two groups of altars, 1.04 m North of altar no. 7 and 0.50 m East of item
           no. 18 (Fig. 16/19)
           debris of orange sandy stone
           broken in length and width
           long sides are curved with three protuberances on a side
           max. preserved length: 41.2 cm, variable width, between: 16-24 cm, preserved thick.: 9 cm

           20. Block found 0.75 m East of altar no. 7 and 1.36 m East of item no. 18 (Fig. 2)
           debris of green spongy stone
           broken during transportation to the place of storage
           in situ we could notice that it was a rectangular block similar to item no.15
           observed length: 33 cm

           21. Altar (?) found 0.96 m South-East of altar no. 6 (Fig. 17/3)
           debris of white-greenish spongy stone
           broken in situ, preserved in a fragmentary state
           long sides are curved, 5 grooved decorations
           dimensions: preserved length: 22 cm, preserved thick.: 8 cm

           22. Altar(?)
           discovered 44 cm east of item no.21 (Fig. 17/3)
           same as item no.21
           dimensions: preserved length: 36 cm, preserved thickness: 11.5 cm

           23. An item found between items no. 21 and 22 (Fig. 17/3)
           debris of white-greenish spongy stone
           probably broken from a rectangular block similar to items no. 15 and 20
           dimensions: max. preserved length: 33 cm, max. preserved width: 18 cm, max preserved thick.: 10,3 cm

           24. Plinth
           discovered 0.78 m South-East from altar no. 6 (Fig. 17/3)
           gray-yellowish grit stone
           broken, preserved in a fragmentary state
           rectangular shape, with a fixture place carved in
           dimensions: length: 46 cm, max. preserved width: 36 cm, thick.: 18.6 cm, preserved side
           of the notch: 26 cm

           25. Plinth
           discovered by item no. 24, 0.17 m North-East (Fig. 2)
           gray-yellowish grit stone
           broken, preserved in a fragmentary state
           rectangular shape, with a fixture place carved in
           dimensions: length 40 cm, max. preserved width: 17 cm, max. preserved thickness: 14 cm, preserved side of the notch: 25 cm

           26. Small column (Fig. 7/26)
           discovered 1.9 m East of altar no. 13, approximately found by the North wall of the partitioned structure, fallen in the debris (which covered one quarter of the body of the column), base to the south, in a slanting position (Fig. 3/1)
           gray-whitish grit stone
           square base, round body, the upper ridge is rounded
           dimensions: total length: 57.4 cm, base length: 31.5 cm, base width: 28.5 cm, base thick.: 7 cm, base diameter: 23.5 cm, diameter at the upper part.: 16.5 cm

           27. Supporting element (tambour) discovered in the debris at 0.37-0.4 m deep (Fig. 17/1)
           debris of whitish grit stone with orange spots
           round shape, round carved slots on both sides
           broken, only half preserved
           dimensions: max. preserved diameter.: 52.5 cm, diameter. of scooped notches: 22.5 and 18.9 cm, depth of the scooped slots: 1.5 cm and 2 cm, respectively; item thick.: 2 cm

           28. Vessel
           discovered at the northern edge of the debris at 0.37-0.49 m deep, in the western profile, at 2.20 m away from item no. 26, mouth up; inside the vessel there were found pebbles from the debris (Fig. 17/2)
           debris of white grit stone
           broken, preserved in a fragmentary state
           straight rim, semi-spherical body, ring-shaped foot, handle perpendicular on the body
           dimensions: h.: 41 cm, diameter. of the mouth: approx. 53-54 cm; max. diameter.: 50 cm; diameter. of the bottom: 22 cm

           The stratigraphy of the interior courtyard of the edifice (Fig. 4) starts (downwards) with the dusty vegetal layer, brittle, dark brown, visible as a thin band on the profile (thickness ranging from 6 and 13 cm). From the vegetal layer were recovered only few minuscule fragments of varnished ceramics and many contemporary iron nails and horseshoes.
           Under the vegetal layer, on the profile, we noticed a thick layer of brown soil with few reddish particles and some coal. Thickness of this layer ranges from 0.26 to 0.42 m. We should nevertheless notice that the contemporary varnished ceramics is also found at 0.25 m deep, although we can also mention the reversed phenomenon, as well: isolated fragments of Roman ceramics could be found in the vegetal layer (certainly at a depth of 0.23 m). According to the information known by the owner of the land and the observations made in other sections, it appears that the entire area of the edifice had been plowed, which might account for the mixture of the above-mentioned ceramic fragments. In this layer, at depths ranging from 0.14 to 0.29 m the unwritten part of the altars were discovered.
           The layer of brown, pigmented soil lays straight on the layer of yellow clay pigmented with reddish and white particles and coals. On this layer of clay the written side of the altars was found lying, at a depth ranging from 0.36 to 0.43 m. This clay, hard to excavate (unlike the brown soil), intensely pigmented and on which fragments of Roman ceramics were discovered (generally atypical fragments of rough paste; we can only distinguish a fragment from the rim of a vessel (Fig. 8/2) made of pink-yellow paste) starting at a depth of 0.40 m, but concentrated between 0.45-0.63 m, represented the treading level of the interior courtyard, a layer of trodden clay. Considering that from a depth of 0.62-0.63 m, at the southern end of S 1 we noticed that the clay changed color (turning to an intense shade of yellow), as well as the visibly rarefied pigmentation, in relation with the fact that at this depth we did not discover further ceramic fragments (it is to mention that Roman glass or metal artifacts are almost entirely missing from the site of the edifice, except for two bottoms of drinking glasses (Fig. 9/5-6) which led us to the conclusion that the thickness of the clay floor of the interior courtyard would range from 0.08 to 0.18 m. Yet, we should nevertheless indicate that in the South-East corner of the section where the nine altars were found the team discovered in the debris (Fig. 19/4) at 0.15 m deep, large fragments of Roman pots were found at a depth of 0.85 m. If the difference of depth is not merely due to a visible difference in level (the above mentioned debris was initially a round mound covered by stone, which led us to the hypothesis, not confirmed yet, that it was a barrow), we should check which is the relation between the intensely pigmented level and the less pigmented one, whether the latter represent a culture layer, and which is the archaeologically sterile layer (this testing was assigned as part of future research).
           Traces of treading levels were also found in other parts of the building.
           In S10, by the wall, at 0.6 m deep, we identified on the yellow clay a burning area of on oval shape with the sizes: 1.27 x 0.48 m (Fig. 10/1). Dating elements for the situation found in S10 could be provided by ceramics. The modern or contemporary varnished ceramics can be found down to 0.37-0.45 m, yet, each time such fragments are mixed with Roman ceramics made of rough paste (jar-pots). We should also note that at 0.25 m deep we can find ceramic fragments made of rough paste. The layer of yellow clay is well dated here due to the Roman ceramics made of fine reddish paste (two rims of clay goblets - Fig. 8/9 - made of clay) and a fragmentary lamp with buttons (Fig. 9/3). Roman ceramic fragments can also be found at -0.7 m (Fig. 8/10). The layer of clay found in S10 is contemporary to the level observed in the interior courtyard, the difference in depth probably resulting from the slope of the hill. In the debris of the wall we found a large bottom of a vessel (pitcher?), made of rough reddish paste (Fig. 8/5).
           Between the walls discovered in S4 was identified a treading level of yellow soil mixed with pebbles (Fig. 19/1), yet the absence of ceramics (of any kind or age) makes it very difficult to date it. The only elements which could provide a hint are the portions of compact arrays of large stones (we can interpret them as debris, but their leveled aspect suggest a certain function of such stones), which make the link, at different depths (0.18, 0.21 and 0.43 m), between the visibly higher land in S 4 and the level of yellow clay found in S 3 on which the former lays (Figs. 11/2; 18/1). Ceramic fragments of Roman period were discovered at -0.5 m deep (three rims of pots made of rough reddish paste, of secondary burning), but we must also indicate that in the debris which covered the walls mixed slivers were found: varnished bits from the surface of the debris, at -0.20-22 m, and Roman pieces made of rough paste found 0.36 m deep. Unless this is the result of a natural accident (due to animals) or caused by humans (agricultural works), the presence of Roman ceramics in the debris could be an argument to support the Roman period of the treading level discovered next to the interior wall, at the North-East corner of the building, consisting of brown-yellow soil mixed with flat stones and pebbles revealed 0.3 m below the surface (Fig. 20/1).
           When removing the debris found in S6 (where we found the small column, the joining element and the stone vessel) we could only discover Roman ceramic fragments, among which the handle of a vessel made of fine yellow-red paste (Fig. 8/6). From the debris found in S2, where we discovered altar no. 13, several ceramic fragments of Roman period (at 0.50-0.80 m deep) were found: the handle of an amphora made of yellow-brown paste with many pebbles, the rim and the handle of a small cup made of rough pink paste (Fig. 8/1), fragments of an lamp of Roman period (Fig. 9/2) and also a possible medieval ceramic fragment made of a paste containing a lot of sand as ingredient, found at 0.1 m deep and a varnished particle. The last two fragments were found while removing the debris at the North end of S2, while the altar was discovered in the debris lying at the South end, wherefrom the Roman ceramic fragments were also found. A small fragment of a Roman lamp was discovered in S2, inside the brown soil layer, at -0.33 m (Fig. 9/4).
           In some areas, outside the building, at the North-East and South-West corners, almost at the same depth, i.e 0.38 m and 0.37 m deep, respectively, possible traces of treading levels of yellow soil mixed with pebbles and brown soil, as well as large stones were discovered. The same indirect argument mentioned above with respect to the dating of the brownish-yellow level containing flat stones could also be used for an eventual dating to the Roman period of the external level of yellow soil with pebbles, whereas in S5 (where the other level was discovered) only two ceramic fragments were uncovered: the bottom of a vessel - possibly medieval, made of paste containing many mica particles, found 0.35 m deep (Fig. 9/1) and the rim of a pot made of reddish paste, possibly of Roman period, found 0.37-39 m deep, reconstructed by a fragment discovered at the southern end of S1, between 0.22-0.40 m deep.
           Unfortunately, there are no absolutely certain elements for dating the altars or the edifice. We have to consider both human interventions (digging, ploughing) or natural accidents (collapse of the terraces on the slope of the hill, possibly several times- as suggested by the aspect of vegetation and the heavy bent of the walls), which complicated and disturbed the stratigraphical situation. Reviewing the few dating elements could nevertheless lead to prudent conclusions.
           None of the treading levels of soil and pebbles has certain dating elements for any of the Roman, modern or contemporary ages. In the debris covering the walls and the treading above mentioned levels we only found a few varnished ceramic fragments, a sliver, probably medieval, and several Roman ceramic fragments. The same mixed situation from the point of view of archaeological materials is found in the layer of brown soil containing reddish pigments covering the layer of intensely pigmented yellow clay found in the debris-free areas. It seems certain to us that the intensely pigmented clay is from the early Roman period, according to the fragments of Roman ceramic and the lamps. No medieval or modern ceramic fragment or any other artifact (glass or metal) of the same age were uncovered from the layer of yellow clay in which the wall-bases had been placed and on which the altars fell.
           If the altars had been brought here from elsewhere during the medieval or modern age and placed in a reclining position (for a secondary utilization), then it would have been most likely that their unwritten side marked the treading level of the respective age which should have been observed around them; yet this was not documented and the thick layer of brown soil constituted the filling accumulated in time on the yellow soil on which people used to tread in ancient days. The absence of any treading level with a certain dating to the medieval or modern age, the possibility of dating the treading levels discovered to the early Roman period, the fact that the modern and medieval ceramics were only found in the vegetal layer from the surface of the debris or the upper level of the filling seam and, finally, the certain dating of the layer of yellow clay on which the altars had fallen during the early Roman period prove that those altars had existed on this very site from ancient times. They used to be arrayed (Fig. 1; 2; 3) in the central compartment (one altar) and in rows (the rest). The main alignment, altars 1-9 were facing east. The 12^th altar, facing east, as well, is very likely to have been part of the main alignment, too, in spite of its isolated placement. Item no. 21 (possibly an altar?) might have been part of the main alignment, as well. Altar nr. 10 was back-to-back with the main alignment (more precisely altars 3-4), therefore facing west. For the time being we cannot reconstitute the exact situation in front on the main alignment. It seems that we have a grouping there rather than a row, made up of plinths no. 24, 25, eventually 23 and the items (possibly altars) no. 21 and 22. Altar no. 11 was discovered in isolation, facing west. It is possible that plinth no. 24, eventually 23 and altar no. 11 and 22 had formed and alignment, transverse on the central row. Plinths no. 24 and 25 could have been placed in line with items no. 18 and 19, as well; we cannot establish the precise function of such items at this moment. The rest of the items discovered in the altar area most likely form the borderline of wall debris, collapsed to the west in a compact pile.
           The multitude of divinities worshipped in the altars found in the interior courtyard of the edifice on Dalea property is, at first sight, a baffling discovery. In the Roman Empire it was quite regular for temples which would normally belong to other deities to host "strange" divinities, as attested by narrative sources and the archaeological discoveries. According to the ancient author Herondas (Mimul IV, 1-11), women entering the temple of Asclepios would utter greeting words addressed to the main deity and all the other gods inhabiting the house of Asclepios [178]. From an epigraph, probably from the capitol temple in Cartagina, we learn about images of the Gods Mercury and Mars found among the inventory of the treasure [179]. Rows or groupings of altars dedicated to several divinities were discovered in several stations by consular beneficiaries from the Empire. At Osterburken, a station located in front of the limes of Germania Superior, seven rows of altars containing many inscriptions which could be dated back to the chronological interval 174-238 A.D were discovered. Six of the rows are straight and one, at the western extremity, is slightly semicircular [180]. An approx. number of 50 inscriptions and fragments of inscriptions were placed in a genuine sacred area of 500 square meters, located outside the fortifications, not far from the thermae. Besides the rows of altars, the sacred area in Osterburken also revealed several wooden temples, the entire ensemble being functional between the mid 2^nd century and mid 3^rd century A.D. [181].
           84 altars, out of which 80 with inscriptions mentioning consular beneficiaries were found in the interior courtyard of Iupiter's sanctuary from Sirmium, in the province of Pannonia Inferior [182]. The altars, in spite of their large number, functioned over a relatively short period of time, between the reign of Trajan and the year 231 A.D. [183].
           The existence of sacred areas and the rows of altars dedicated to several divinities are characteristic of civil inhabitancies. From the time of the Emperors Trajan and Hadrian, a genuine sacred had been formed around the temple dedicated to Iupiter in Pfaffenberg, part of the town Carnuntum, in Pannonia Superior [184]. Mons Karnuntinus is not identical to the city's Capitolium [185], but it represents an important group of three temples with rows of altars dedicated to Iupiter (we must emphasize that some of the altars did not have plinths, but were placed straight on the ground) and cultic statues intercalated [186]. Altars dedicated to the imperial cult were concentrated to the North-West side of the sacred area [187].
           Inside the civil town Carnuntum, a digging from the end of the 19^th century, unfortunately not published, yielded a row of 18 altars dedicated to various divinities on an area of approx. 3.5 x 3 m. The respective site was compared to a sanctuary [188].
           In several of its aspects, the phenomenon of syncretism by association is also characteristic of the province of Dacia. The same inscription could have been dedicated to several divinities [189], which is not the case of the inscriptions found on Dalea property; yet, the worship of several deities in the same temple, another aspect of the phenomenon presented above, could help clarify the role and particularities of the edifice discovered on Dalea property. Five altars dedicated to Iovi Optimo Maximo, Mercurio Augusto, Herculi, Terrae Matri, and Iovi Optimo Maximo associated to Dis Hospiti (-i, -bus?) come from a temple in Potaissa. The very discovery of the above-mentioned monuments in a relatively clean soil layer, without any connection to the foundations found nearby, led the authors to the hypothesis that they had been placed in a space specially arranged for storage of obsolete, inoperable altars and offerings [190]. The inscriptions discovered at Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa attest several cases of temples dedicated to different divinities. Next to the temple dedicated to the God Silvanus, there was found a temple wherefrom we have fragments of altars offered to the Gods Iuno, Diana and Hercules, but also sculptural fragments representing Hercules and Diana [191]. The foundation inscription of another temple mentions several Asian divinities adored in the respective edifice [192]. Finally, we would like to mention the area which we identified as sacred on account of the six inscriptions dedicated to Oriental and Greek-Roman divinities [193], among which we can distinguish an inscription dedicated to more than 13 divinities [194]. The temple from Micia consecrated to the Moor Gods where an altar dedicated to Silvanus was also found [195] could be another relevant example.
           Although they do not qualify for perfect analogies, each of the examples mentioned above contributes to a better understanding of some of the striking characteristics of the edifice found on Dalea property. Neither the rows of altars (placed between sacred buildings or inside an interior courtyard of a temple) dedicated to several divinities, nor the worship of several deities at the same place were singular phenomena in the Roman world and in Dacia.
           In the light of the latest archaeological research, worship of a large number of diverse divinities does not seem to be an exception, but, on the contrary, a rule in the ancient community living in Roşia Montană. We can now add the edifies with altars discovered in the interior courtyard on the properties Szekely Lajos [196], Rozalia Drumuş [197] and Aurica Dalea to the sacred grove from Hăbad, known for its 24 altars from the literature [198], completed as an organizational structure by the latest researches [199].
           From the analysis of the characters who had dedicated the altars found on Dalea property we can draw conclusions about the structure of the community that had built and used the edifice and we can also date the building. That was certainly a civil community since none of the 11 epigraphic altars has any relation to the army. Out of the 14 characters attested on the altars, 3 are Roman citizens, bearing the tria nomina (Marcus Ulpius Cle...), or imperial gens names (Aelius Mes... and Aelius Mar...). The Illyrian origin is probably the case for the citizen Aelius Mar... Sar... . Six of the dedicators are Illyrian, bearing traditional names if we judge by the sonority of such names of by their formation (Plator Sar..., Verso Dasantis, Beucus Dasantis, Dasius Sta..., Panes Stagilis şi [S. i]rat Beuc(i)). In one case a father with a Roman name gives his son an Illyrian name (Bato Secundi). Three peregrines have Roman names: Dexter, Martialis and Germanus, while the brother of the last one seems to have a Greek name - Purius.
           The limited presence of imperial gens names, only Ulpius and Aelius, may restrict the dating variants of the inscriptions to the first three quarters of the 2^nd century A.D. We know the impact of the Marcommani wars [205] that led to the act of hiding the wax-coated tablets in the mines in Alburnus Maior. The absence of the imperial kinship names characteristic of the end of the 2^nd century and the 3^rd century A.D., as well as the fact that on the edifice found on Dalea property we did not find any overlapping layers indicate that the edifice was used for a relatively short period time, most certainly in the 2^nd century A.D. We cannot say with certainty whether the edifice was used in the first years of the following century or not, because there are no coins to evidence this (but this is quite likely, given that some of the ceramic fragments can be dated to the 3^rd century and, eventually, by recrudescence of the Illyrian name borne by Bato, son of Secundus).
           We cannot make any definite assumptions about the role of the edifice, neither. The presence of the altars and the absence of any traces of ancient inhabitance of the building account for the hypothesis that it was a sacred space (place of worship), indeed. Whether this sacred space should be placed in relation to the community living on Carpeni Hill or to another one, whether the respective sacred space was part of a castellum or not and, finally, which is the exact date of the complex are questions which shall only be answered if investigations continue on Dalea property and the surrounding areas.