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INTRODUCTION Authenticity
and chronology
Over the time Roman bronzes from Dacia have been analysed especially
from the points of view of iconography and functionality. We think
that it is high time they were regarded from another perspective,
beginning with their authenticity being checked
[1]
, continuing by making
a more accurate typological framing, and by trying a more narrow dating
than the 2nd-3rd centuries, as we have done
until now in most cases. The first difficulty faced by the
researchers of Roman bronze statuettes from Dacia is that for very
few of them we know the conditions in which they were discovered,
and that until now no lararium
or closed complex with bronze statuettes has been attested for certain.
That entails the authenticity of certain items belonging to the heritage
in the museum of our country, having an unknown or uncertain place
of discovery, originating in the antiquities trade, to be questioned.
For instance, it is the case of the statuettes depicting Hercules
of the Italic type, probably originating in Italy, but very likely
not from the antiquity, but from the last century. Another unconquerable
difficulty is that many statuettes discovered in Dacia can no longer
be found in our museums
[2]
. Iconography In the present paper we have corrected
iconographic interpretation errors, as, even if from that point of
view the first issue has been generally accurate, a series of details
allow a more refined iconographic interpretation, and, implicitly,
a more accurate typological framing. Thus, we could recognize variants
of Mercury in the hypostasis of Pantheus or Thot, resulting in the
hypothesis that a statuette in the Museum in Cluj, originating in
the camp of Ilişua, does not depict Bacchus, as stated in a monograph
dedicated to the god
[3]
, but Libera or a Maenad,
as set forth initially. A narrow examination of the pieces made it
possible to find close analogies, and in certain cases entailed not
only their being attributed to some workshops or craftsmen originating
in various parts of the empire, but also a more accurate chronology. The iconographic repertoire
of the bronze statuettes in Dacia corresponds to the heterogeneous
nature of the colonization, the colonists brought “ex toto orbe Romano” as Eutropius put it (VIII 6.2.), to the wide
range of deities and beliefs in the Roman world in the 2nd
and 3rd centuries AD, and the ethnic diversity of the military
deployed in Dacia
[4]
. It should be mentioned
that the bronze images correspond not only to official cults, but
especially to individual beliefs, hence the frequent depictions of
Venus or Mercury. Moreover, at that time, the old Italic deities had
been almost forgotten, as new or
synchretic deities were preferred. The deities of Celtic origin
worshipped by interpretatio Romana are rare,
and in Dacia there can be only one linked to the old autochtonous
cults, maybe except for the knight-hero. However, the latter appears
possibly, just once among the bronze statuettes, (no.140) and, frequently,
on votive reliefs
[5]
. The range of representations from Dacia resembles from
an iconographic and typological point of view that from Italy, other
western and central provinces of the empire (Gallia, Germany, Raetia,
Noricum) or contiguous with Dacia (the two Moesias, Pannonia). It
is worth mentioning the wide range of representations, from Graeco-Roman
deities to Egyptian and Oriental deities, from mythological characters
to people. In Dacia the following deities
and mythological characters are represented in bronze: Jupiter, Mars,
Apollo, Mercury, Bacchus, Pan, Silvanus, Satyr, Priapus, Amor, Hercules,
Lares, Genius Populi Romani?, Genius, Minerva, Diana, Venus, Fortuna,
Abundantia, Victora, Libera?,
Jupiter Dolichenus, Serapis, Men, Osiris. The representations of
Neptune, Vulcanus, Sucellus, and Epona lack, as well as the
grotesque figures
[6]
.
The repertoire of bronzes from Dacia corresponds only partially
to that of the votive reliefs or of the stone statuary, dominated
by representations of originally non-Roman deities such as: Mithras,
the Thracian knight or the Danubian knights
[7]
. There are deities represented
in stone, like Pluto and Proserpine or Hecate, but that are not represented
also in bronze. Instead, the images of Mercury and Venus, most frequently
met among bronzes, are rarely represented in stone
[8]
. Only the bronze representations
of Diana seem to correspond numerically and iconographically to the
stone ones
[9]
. The repertoire of bronzes
is not in accordance with that of the terra-cottas, much scarcer,
where the image of Venus prevails as well as that of a pair sitting
on a throne, either a man or a woman, or two women
[10]
. The clay representations
of Venus, usually half naked, making a gesture of decency, resemble
the bronze ones, and it is not out of question for them to have had
a common source of inspiration. Provenience The bronze statuettes from
Dacia come from towns, camps or rural settlements. As in other provinces
of the Roman Empire also in Dacia bronze statuettes must have been deposited in temples and places of worship, in household
lararia or vestibules with various functions, as items, first of all
for worship, but in some cases, also as objects with a decorative
role
[11]
. Until now in Dacia no
lararium has been discovered
[12]
, which is certainly a research lacuna. Roman cities, with
residential districts, are investigated archaeologically very little.
Often there are no data on the archaeological context in which the statuettes were discovered, more often than not found
by chance, so that it is almost impossible to establish whether they
were lararia, small deposits of a bronze craftsman, who gathered bronze
residue in order to reuse them or artifacts temporarily concealed
in a certain place
[13]
. As already mentioned,
in Dacia household lararia must have existed, as well as statuettes
deposited in places of worship, in smaller numbers than in Italy and
the western provinces of the empire, and probably heterogeneous from
the point of view of the structure, stone or terra-cotta items next
to bronze ones
[14]
. Technique The issues regarding the
manufacturing technique, those linked to the series, and, implicitly,
to the workshops where the bronze statuettes were cast, from our point
of view have been cleared up by A. Kaufmann-Heinimann after the autopsy
of a huge amount of pieces, and after their long, profound, thorough
research. She We agree with all her findings: all the statuettes were
cast by cire perdue by direct or indirect
modelling, by using dies for the various parts of the piece, respectively
(Hilfsnegative); the bronze models could
be anywhere and any time copied in wax, in their turn functioning
as “prototypes”. The statuettes could be carried easily to remote
distances from the place of manufacturing, and there they became the
pattern for others, hence the difficulty to circumscribe or locate
certain workshops that must have been small or medium-sized
[15]
. An interesting detail
as regards the manufacturing technique of
bronzes is provided by the medium-sized statuette of Apollo
from Romula (no.14) where one can see clearly that the drapery was
made separately. As regards the sizes, most statuettes are small. Among medium-sized bronzes
only the statuettes of Apollo can be included (nos.14 and 15). Workshops In Dacia until now there have been no attested workshops where they used to
manufacture statuettes exclusively. The latter used to be brought
from other provinces,
cast on the spot by pedlars or manufactured in special workshops for
other categories of objects. The researchers of Roman
bronzes have been trying to define and establish the places of some
workshops that functioned in the empire. Thus, R.Fleischer
[16]
finds a produciton of
bronzes in central Italy at the end of the Republic and the beginning
of the 1st century AD. The products used to be exported
through the town of Aquileia, then to northern Italy, south and central
Gallia, on the Rhine, and, finally, to Noricum and Pannonia, as there
were small workshops, and to Carnuntum, as we may speak about a local
production later than in Gallia and Germany, as late as the end of
the 2nd century.. On the basis of certain casting flaws,
scrap, unfinished pieces or with features typical of provincial art
he mentions workshops at Avenches, Strasbourg, Brigetio, in southern
Pannonia and northern Italy
[17]
. The same R.Fleischer
[18]
, remarking the somehow
common style of many statuettes, proves the existence of a Raetian
workshop that functioned during the second half of the 2nd
century or the first half of the 3rd century, located at
Regensburg or between Augsburg and Enns, but that failed to export
its products too far away. In his turn L.Beschi
[19]
talks about workshops
at Brescia, Este, Aquileia, Concordia, Industria, Treviso, Aosta and
notices in the Veneto zone faithfulness towards the paleo-Veneto traditions,
openness towards imports and Graeco-Oriental influences, in Emilia
– links with central Italy, and in Lombardy, Piedmont, Liguria – affinities
with the Graeco-Roman world, and preferences for products of Hellenistic
traditions. Given the high number of items discovered, the issue of
the workshops in Gallia has been tackled by researchers, first of
all by S.Boucher, who thinks that in the valleys of the rivers Rhône
and Saône there were workshops from the end of the 1st
century or at least from the beginning of the 2nd century
AD, that the central-east region of Gallia from then onwards played
the role of mediator between Italy and the Gallic world
[20]
, that in certain cases
one can notice a direct influence of Greece over the workshops in
Gallia
[21]
. In Milan they discovered
eight figurines worked by the same hand, metal scrap, raw cast artifacts,
crucibles and a stone hand mill
[22]
, and in Strasbourg they
discovered casting residue, a loop,
a flawed statuette, at Königshoffen, in a vicus
they discovered the traces of a workshop in a craftsmen’s district,
at Hortburg, near Colmar, a handicraftsman’s workshop, at Brumath,
in an assembly, they discovered fragments from clay dies, bronze residue
associated to a statuette deposit and silver votive plates, a lot
of objects for recasting
[23]
. In Germany they mention workshops at Aventicum
[24]
, Augusta Raurica
[25]
and Colonia Agrippina, a workshop that functioned
during the second half of the 2nd century AD
[26]
. A series of workshops are
mentioned also in Noricum, at Lauriacum
[27]
, in Pannonia at Carnuntum
[28]
, Mursa, Siscia and Sirmium
where they discovered unfinished artifacts, flawed, fragments of large
sizes
[29]
. At the same time, it
seems that a workshop functioned also in northern Macedonia at Stobi
[30]
or in Moesia at Novae
[31]
, as well as on the Dalmatian
coast
[32]
. A few of the statuettes
discovered in Dacia can be attributed to some workshops or strolling
craftsmen coming from the areas in question. From central Italy probably
come Jupiter from Potaissa (no.1), Mars from Potaissa (no. 9), Apollo
from Apulum (no.15), Mercury from Romula (no. 23), the lar from Sucidava
(no. 68), the lar from Deva (no.73), from northern Italy: Apollo from
Gherla (no.12), Mercury-Thot from Sucidava (no. 33), Venus from Apulum
(no. 106); the lar from Orlea (no. 70), the lar from Micia (no. 72)
[33]
, and from Gallia: Mars
from Porolissum (no. 7); Mercury from Napoca (no. 16); Mercury from
Transylvania, with unknown place of discovery (no. 36) and Mercury Pantheus from Ilişua (no. 38). From the
East must have come a single piece – Venus from Potaissa (no. 96), and from an Alexandria
workshop, possibly, boxing Eros (no. 63)
[34]
. The most obvious links of Dacia are with Moesia Superior.
Venus (no.116) must have come from the same workshop with an item
from Singidunum, Venus (no.120) from the same workshop with one from
the limes of Moesiei Superior, while Hercules (no.64) must have been
cast in the same die with one from Ratiaria. Most items must have
been cast on the spot. The high number of statuettes
discovered at Drobeta could point to the existence of a workshop,
but we should take into account that in the city situated on the Danube
there was a busy trade, probably also with bronze items. A high number
of statuettes come also from Romula. Strange is the case of the two
cities at Apulum, where the number of statuettes is insignificant.
The only plausible explanation would be that many of them have disappeared
during the last century in the antiquities trade. The common stylistic
features of many items are not conclusive and do not allow thie being
included in series
[35]
. It is undoubtful that,
although cast by cire perdue,
for manufacturing the statuettes also bivalve dies were used
[36]
, otherwise we could not
explain the striking resemblance between Hercules from Romula (no.
64) and Hercules from Ratiaria, that of Minerva from Porolissum (no.
80) and of Minerva from Oderzzo or that of Venus from Potaissa (no.
100) and Venus from Este. If there were workshops in Dacia, and future
researches will confirm or refute the hypothesis, they must have functioned
during the second half of the 2nd century and the first
decades of the 3rd century. Judging from some comon stylistic features
of some statuettes one may set forth the existence of some workshops
at Romula and at Potaissa. Two trends should be remarked: the female silouettes have long waists, the hips a
little prominent like Venus from Gherla (no.102) or Venus from Potaissa
(no. 96), and the male bodies are somehow heavy built, with excessively
big hands, like those of the satyr from Porolissum (no. 45). Could
some of the bronze statuettes announce the artistic features of late
antiquity? From the point of view of the style and execution one
may remark a few exquisite statuettes, such as: Jupiter from Potaissa (no. 1);
Mars from Potaissa (no. 9); Apollo from Apulum (no. 15) or Venus from
Potaissa (no. 96). Interesting from the point of view of the iconography
are the statuettes of Diana in armour (no. 84) and of the dadophor (no. 134), broad-shouldered, that could have
belonged to a Mithriac sunsign, such as that from Angleur
[37]
. Chronology The chronology of the statuettes
remains a difficult issue
[38]
. For as accurate a chronology as possible it is necessary
to corroborate all the available data, from the conditions of the
discovery, to the examination of style, from the hair style to the
dated analogies. Thus, we could date back to the second half of the 1st century AD :
Jupiter from Potaissa (no. 1), the Lar from Sucidava (no. 68), the
Lar from Transylvania (no. 69), the child-Lar from Deva (no. 73);
during Augustus’ Age: Apollo (no. 15); by the end of the 1st
century – beginning of the second century:
Mercury from Romula (no. 23), Mercury from Sarmizegetusa Regia (no 35), Mercury, with unspecified location from
Transylvania (no. 36), Amor from Micia (no. 63); during Trajan’s Age: Venus from
Apulum (no. 90); during Hadrian’s Age: Minerva from Ohaba (no. 79);
during Trajan-Hadrian’s Age: Mars from Potaissa (no. 9); during the
first half of the 2nd century: Mercury from Drobeta (no.
22), Mercury-Thot from Drobeta (no. 32), the Lar from Micia (72);
during Antoninus’ Age: Jupiter from Drobeta (no. 2), Silvanus (no.
46), Hercules from Romula (no. 66), Fortuna from Romula (no. 121),
during Severus’ Age: Mercury from Ulpia Traiana (no. 27), Bacchus
from Drobeta (no. 40), Pan from Gârla Mare (no. 42), the satyr from
Gherla (no. 44), Venus from Hinova (no. 95), Venus from Gherla (no.
103), Venus from Potaissa (no. 110), and from the 3rd century:
the satyr from Porolissum (no. 45), the dadophor from Drobeta (no.
134). Perhaps
better than other works of art the bronze statuettes express the beliefs,
tastes, individual aspirations and even trade links
[39]
. As far as the bronzes from Dacia and those from
contiguous provinces are concerned, it is obvious that they do not
imitate works of major art
[40]
, but that some of them, the most achieved artisitically,
preserve a vague influence from them, which served as a source of
inspiration
[41]
. Most bronze statuettes are eclectic works
[42]
. The way to finding archetypes is sinuous, and
there is no chance to discover vanished works of major art starting
from bronze statuettes. Bronze artists, free of
canons, let their imaginaiton wander and made the best of their talent
and skilfulness. The bronze statuettes discovered north of the Danube
may provide an interesting material for comparison, given that Dacia
was a Roman province for two centuries only. As in the case of other
creation of Roman art, also the bronze statuetes are relevant for
the cultural and artisitc links with northern Italy, the contiguous
provinces and the western ones of the empire, while standing proof
to the uniformity in diversity of Roman civilization.
[1]
For the issues concerning the authenticity
of the Roman bronzes, whether they are original or fakes, see:
H.Menzel, ANRW, II 12, 161; C.Mattusch in: Symposium 125-144;
B.Barr-Sharrar în:
Symposium
209-236; P.Meyers in: Symposium
237-250.
[2]
A series of statuettes have disappeared in the antiquities
trade as early as the last century or during the first decades of
the 20th century, others have been examined by us, but
today they can no longer be found in museums.
[3]
Manfrini-Aragno, Bacchus
54-55, Fig.15.
[4]
See: V.Christescu, Viaţa
militară în Dacia romană (1937); W.Wagner,
Die Dislokation der römischen Auxiliarformationen in der Provinzen
Noricum, Pannonien, Moesien und Dakien von Augustus bis Diokletian;
M.Macrea, Viaţa în Dacia romană (1969)
176 sqq; K.Kraft, Zur Rekrutierung
der Alen und Kohorten am Rhein u.Donau (1951); I.I.Russu, SCIV
23, 1972, 1, 63-77; C.C.Petolescu, SCIVA 46, 1995, 1, 35-49; SCIVA
46, 1995, 3-4, 237-275; SCIVA 47, 1996, 1, 21-38; idem, Dacia
şi
Imperiul Roman (2000) 178-186.
[5]
For the iconography of the knight hero, see: E.Will, Le relief cultuel gréco-romain. Contribution
à l’histoire de l’empire romain (1955), M. Oppermann in: Die orientalischem Religionen im Römerreich
(1981) 510-536; D.Tudor, Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Equitum Danuviorum
I (1968), II (1976); E.Condurachi in: Colloques Internationaux du CNRS. Mythologie gréco-romaine et mythologies
périphériques nos.593, 1979 (1981), and for the iconography
of the knight hero in Dacia vezi: L.Marinescu, Muzeul Naţional
VII 1983, 75-81.
[6]
There is only one grotesque figure, with an unknown provenience
in the Brukenthal Museum
in Sibiu (inv.A 2730), that seems dubious from the point of view
of the authenticity, and that is unlikely to be a statuette by itself.
See: C.L.Băluţă & I.Paul, in: Colocviu
Viena 388 no.7, Fig.7; D.Alicu in: Colocviu
Freiburg 17, Fig.1; A.Schäfer, ActaMN 35/I 1988, 61-65.
[7]
There lacks a synthesis work dedicated to the votive relief
in Dacia, except for the Mithriac one for which see: Fr.Cumont, Religions orientales dans le paganisme romain,
ed. a IV-a (1929); M.J.Vermaseren, Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis mithriacae I-II (1956-1960);
idem, Mithra, ce dieu mystérieux
(1960); C.C.Petolescu, Relieful
votiv în Oltenia, Cercetări Arheologice 2, 1976, 287-304;
Al. Popa, Iconografia mithriacă
de la Apulum, ActaMP 1, 1977, 139-145; C.C.Petolescu & I.Berciu, Les cultes orientaux dans la Dacie méridionale
(1976); L.Mărghitan - C.C.Petolescu în: Hommages à Maarten J.Vermaseren II (1978)
724-731; R.Turcan, Mithra
et le mithraicisme (1981); idem, Les
cultes orientaux dans le monde romain (1992).
[8]
There are only three stone reliefs representing Mercury
that come from Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. The god is represented
alone or accompanied by Jupiter or Hercules. See:
Alicu & Pop & Wollmann,
Mon.Sarmizegetusa 86-87 no. 82 pl.XX 77 no. 43 pl.X and 78 no.
52 pl. XII; D.Alicu & C.Pop, ActaMN XVI 1979, 93-100.
[9]
For the cult of Diana, see: M.Bãrbulescu, Dacia XVI 1972,
203-223; D.Alicu in: Colocviu
Lausanne 191-193.
[10]
See: L.Ţeposu-David, ActaMN I 1964; 473-476; S.Comănescu, SCIV XVI 1965,4, 797-802;
N.Gudea & I.Pop, Castrul
roman de la Râşnov (1971) 57; Jude & Pop, Mon Turda 74, pl. XXXII/34; I.T.Lipovan, SCIVA 43, 1992,1, 63-70;
C.Pop & E.Nemeş, ActaMN XIV 1977, 159-161; Alicu &
Pop & Wollmann, Mon. Sarmizegetusa
120-121 nos. 269-272 pl. CXXXVI; RR G 195, 71, 72, 222, 223, 224, 228, 141,
142, 124.
[11]
As regards the functions of the statuettes, see: Leibundgut, Polyclet
398: “Sie waren auch Kultobjekte und hatten als solche ihre religiöse
Funktion sowohl in häuslichen Lararien wie auch ale bescheidene
Votivgaben in ländlichen oder städischen Heiligtümer”. See also
A. Kaufmann-Heinimann, Dea
Artio, die Bärengöttin von Muri. Römische bronzestatuettea aus einem
ländlichen Heiligtum, bern 2002.
[12]
A possible lararium in the vicus from Tibiscum. See:
D.Benea & P.Bona, Tibiscum
(1994) 66-67 that do not clearly define the notion of lararium.
[13]
See: Kaufmann-Heinimann,
Götter 186-191 and Fig.137
from 188. A temporary deposit (Angstdepot) could have been at Porolissum
on the “terrace of shrines”. See: Al. Matei, ActaMP, VI 1982, 78-79.
[14]
For the structure of closed complexes, see: Kaufmann-Heinimann,
Götter 191-195; E.Künzl,
Germania 74, 1996, 457-480; idem, Ant.Tard 5, 1997, 58-81; E.J.Dwyer, Pompeian Domestic Sculpture. A Study of Five Pompeian Houses and their
Contents = Archaeologia 28, 1982.
[15]
Kaufmann-Heinimann, Götter
16-20. See also: R. Fleischer, Eine
Bronzwerkstätte in Ràtien in: Colocviu
Lyon 61-69; J.Frel, The
Workshop of Proculus Maternus in Sorviodurum-Starubing; Eastern
Elements in the Bronzeworkof the Raetian Limes in: Bayerische
Vorgeschichtsblätter 52, 1987, 57-74, pl.1-2; Menzel,
Bayern 11 speaks about two categories of craftsmen: sedentary
and pedlars who worked after models, and for the technical
issues, see also: Boube-Piccot,
Maroc I 33-64; D.Kent Hill, Hesperia XXVII 1958, 4, 311-317;
P.K.Cavanagh în:
Symposium 145-160; S.Boucher in: Symposium 161-178; Y.Morizot, Bronze.Alte
Kunst der Menscheit (1974).
[16]
Österreich 8-11
[17]
Ibidem 14.
[18]
Colocviu Lyon 61-69. However, he does
not remark the incisions on the body of Mercury from Straubing (96 Fig.1) and those of Mercury from
Augsburg (69 Fig.3).
[19]
Cat.Bologna 271-276, pp 305-306 (L. Manino) See also: A.Giumlia-Mair
& E.Zanda in: Colocviu
Nijmegen 159-164; L. Mercando & E. Zanda,
Bronzi da Industria (1998).
[20]
Gaule 221-240; eadem, Les bronzes figurés
dans le monde romain. Ateliers et datation, Apulum XV 1977,
257 sqq. For the workshops in Gallia, see also: M.Amand, Atelier de bronze d’époque romaine à Blicquy, Archaeologia Belgica
171, 1975; H.Menzel, Trier
16; Faider-Feytmans, JbRGZM 20, 1973, 276-277; eadem, Belgique 18-22.
[21]
Évreux
10.
[22]
L.Rousell in: Colocviu
Lausanne 167-174; idem, Mediolanum 171, 253-256; Kaufmann-Heinimann, Götter
16 no.19.
[23]
B.Schnitzler, Bronzes
antiques d’Alsace. 37 Inventaire des collections publiques françaises;
Musée archéologique de Strasbourg; Musées de Biesheim, Colmar, Haguenau,
Muhlouse, Niederbronn (1995) 24-25. See also J.J.Hatt, RAECE 11, 1960, 15 sqq şi RAECE 12, 1961,
161 sqq.
[24]
G.Simonett, Die römischen
Bronzestatuetten der Schweiz (1939) 13; Leibundgut, Avenches 11 is not sure that at Avenches existed a workshop.
[25]
Kaufmann-Heinimann,
Götter 16 n.21 with the entire bibliography
[26]
R.Thomas, KJb 28, 1995,
578-579.
[27]
K.Gschwantler & H.Winter,
Bronzewerkstätten in der Austria Romana, ein Forschungsprojekt,
Römisches Österreich 17/18, 1989/90 (1991) 107-141.
[28]
E.Swoboda, Carnuntum (1964) 99; R.Fleischer, ÖJh
46, 1961-62, Beibl.171 sqq; idem, Österreich
20; E. Thomas, Römische Bronzeindustrie in Pannonien (1982)
23-24.
[29]
Tadin, SE Pannonie
56 La Kobarid, in Slovenia must have been a workshop where they
manufactured statuettes of Hercules with leaf crown, a workshop
that functioned by the end of the 1st-3rd
centuries AD. See:
N.Osmuk, Archaeologia Jugoslavica 27, 1987, 76. Manfrini-Aragno, Bacchus
182 presupposes the existence of a workshop situated between Moesia, Pannonia, Dacia.
[30]
Borell, Heidelberg 95.
[31]
A.Dimitrova-Milceva in Studien zu den Militärgrenzen Roms 3 (=
Forschungen u.Berichte in Baden-Würtemberg 20) 1983, 469-476 Figs.
4-7. Another workshop emerges in Moesia not far from
Nicopolis ad Istrum. See: P.Georgiev in: Colocviu Freiburg 167-171.
[32]
I.Medini, Diadora 4, 1968, 143-180.
[33]
According to V.Galliazzo,
Treviso 82 the statuettes representing Lares were achieved during
the first half of the 2nd century AD at Aquileia.
[34]
For bronze workshops in Alexandria, see: S.Boucher, Latomus
XXXII, 1973, fasc.4, 799-811. Cl.Rolley in: Colocviu Lausanne 15 maintains that duirng the 3rd-2nd
centuries Alexandria workshops worked exclusively for export, and
that during the Roman Age Egypt exported more works than during the Hellenistic
one.
[35]
The issue of the existence or lack of the series of works has not been resolved. D.K.Hill,
Hesperia 27, 1958, 311-317 spoke about ”industrielle Vervielfältigung
mit Hilfe von Teilformen verschiedener Statuetten, an opinion adopted
by S.Boucher, Gaule
278 sq; by E.Poulsen, Probleme
der Werkstattbestimmung gegossener römischer Figuralbronzen,
Acta Archaeologica 48, 1977, 1 sqq; idem, Über Massenherstellung
römischer Bronzestatuetten: Dublettenserien und Modellverhältnisse
in:
Colocviu Berlin 207-215;
N.Franken, KJb 27, 1994, 23. O opinie diferită are A.Leibundgut, Kritische Überlegungen zum Problem der postulierten Serienproduktion,
în: Colocviu Berlin
149-159 şi R.Thomas, KJb 28, 1995, 578. Vezi şi: M.Mass
în:
Colocviu Berlin 207-215.
[36]
Acording to Kaufmann-Heinimann, Götter 20-27.
[37]
G.Faider-Feytmans in: Colocviu Bruxelles 71-91. See: E.Belot, Dioscures ou Dadophores?, Revue du Nord LXXII, 1990, 158 sqq.
[38]
For the chronology issues, see: Faider-Feytmans, Belgique 22-27; Boucher, Évreux 12-13; eadem, Apulum, XV 1977;
Menzel in: Colocviu Lyon
121-126; idem, Hannover
8-9; Walde-Psenner, Trentino
17; Kaufmann-Heinimann, Götter
56-59. The large bronzes may offer criteria for comparison with
the medium and small ones, implicitly dating elements especially
as regards hair styles. See: K.Kluge & K.Lehmann-Hartleben,
Grossbronzen der römischen
Kaiserzeit (1927).
[39]
L.Beschi in: Cat.Bologna
271 speaks about the significance of bronzes maintaining that
they are “tramite di cultura artistica, una fede religiosa, una
prefereza di gusto, un rapporto comerciale”. See also Cl. Rolley in: Les bronzes antiques: objets d’art ou documents historiques în:
Colocviu Lausanne 13-17.
[40]
According to A. Furtwängler, Über
Statuenkopien im Altertum, Abhandlungen München 20, 3 (1896)
580 has been accepted by many others, such as: Menzel, Colocviu Berlin 190; Canciani, LIMC VIII
1, 430. See also: G. Lippold, Copie
e copisti, EAA II 804-810; idem, Kopien und Umbildungen griechischer
Statuen (1932) ; T. Hölscher, RM 85, fasc.2, 1978, 315-357.
[41]
For instance the influence of Polyclet upon the repertoire
of small statuettes was proved by Leibundgut, Polyclet 397-427; the movement
of Diana from Ostrov can be found with an Apollo from Napoli. See:
Kluge – Lehmann-Hartleben,
Grossbronzen pl.XXXII or the statuettes representing a hermaphrodite are influenced by the type of Aphrodite Kallipigos.
See: G.Säflund, Aphrodite
Kallipygos (!963); B.M.Felleti Maj, Aphrodite
Pudica.saggio d’arte ellenistica, ArchCl III 1951, 33-65; Cl
Rolley, Des bronzes grecs aux bronzes romains, survivances,
prolongations, résurrections in: Colocviu Lyon 167-174; Walde-Psenner, Trentino 16 is wrong when he assumes that small bronzes imitate large
ones, but he is right when he states that Roman artists used a unique
model for more deities, changing their attributes.
[42]
Menzel, Bayern 9:
“Die Kopisten scheuten sich aber auch nicht stilistische Veränderungen
vorzunehmen, die dem jeweiligen Geschmack ihres Auftraggebers entsprechen;
so begenet man Statuen und Statuetten, bei denen Stielemente des
5.Jh.v.Chr. mit solchen des 4.oder 3 Jh.v.Chr.vermischt wurden”. |